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Continuavano a chiamarlo Impunità

few years ago he published a book called typical: "the called Impunity. "Besides the obvious reference to the famous spaghetti western" They Call Me Trinity ", with Bud Spencer and Terence Hill, the book shows how the view of the events four times resembled a Wild West premier Italian. In any other country "democratic" world, a figure like Berlusconi could not legally required to politics. In our Italy at the c.. zo, however, everything is permitted to those who have the billions. Even impunity, that can not be processed. At the worst, to be condemned in some degree of opinion but then seeing their offense prescribed for some ad hoc law passed by a parliament of servants and lackeys. The Caiman Silvio today received yet another impunità: all'interno del decreto sulla sicurezza e immigrazione, il non mio premier ha inserito, e fatto approvare, una norma che sospende i processi per reati commessi prima del 2002. Guarda caso, proprio un processo in cui Berlusconi è accusato di corruzione (il Caso Mills) ha i requisiti per la sospensione. E come se non bastasse, il famigerato Lodo Schifani (immunità per le più alte cariche dello stato) sarà approvato tra poche settimane, e consentirà al Beslusca di non farsi processare fino a quando resterà al potere.

Faccio quindi un esempio: se berlusconi, tra cinque anni, venisse eletto Presidente della Repubblica (7 anni di mandato), le sue pendenze penali subirebbero uno stop di 12 anni, con the likelihood that many offenses are currently prosecuted in 12 years will be required.

If in Italy there was a real Right, legalistic and executioner, or a true Left, vaccinated by veltroni, maybe Berlusconi was on trial.

"Even if you feel fulfilled, you're still involved," De Andrè

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Sull'Esercito nelle strade.

2,500 soldiers used in support of law enforcement. 6 months may be extended only once. This is the proposal of the Berlusconi government, through the words of Defense Minister La Russa, the so-called "security emergency".

I say it now: for me it's a campaign ad. One way to show that with the right to power c'è maggior presenza dello Stato nel territorio, e pertanto maggior sicurezza percepita. Se si riuscisse davvero, in sei mesi o in un anno, a rendere più sicure le nostre città... io sarei addirittura a favore della militarizzazione dei nostri territori. Ma siccome sono di Napoli, e so bene che il problema criminalità a ragioni ataviche, addirittura pre-unitarie, so altrettanto bene che in un anno non si può fare nulla, se non diminuire le libertà dei cittadini, dare l'idea di un paese sull'orlo di una invasione o di una guerra civile, farci sentire cittadini di regimi sudamericani. Abbiamo già avuto (Genova 2001) la polizia cilena, ci stiamo avviando verso nuove leggi speciali???

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Irish said no!

Ireland has said no. And fuck the bureaucrats, the liberals and the financial men of the old continent. Fuck off to a European constitution disgusting in content and form, inspired by the Maastricht and soulless. They are doing the Europe desk, inventing nations (Kosovo) destroying others (Yugoslavia) and pretending to make even those who in Europe is not Europe (Israel).

The Treaty of Lisbon, this shameful waste paper in which we tried in vain to give the dignity of the Constitution, was finally rejected. Although many parliaments (including the Italian one) have ratified the treaty without democratic consultation their citizens. In Ireland, however, the constitution provided for the things of this generation was REQUIRED to hold a referendum to approve or reject the European constitution. The brothers Irish voted NO with conviction, and because EU rules stipulate that the constitution must be ratified by all member states, the Lisbon process has been stopped. At the moment? Of course I do, because the powers that be are working to remove this annoying obstacle to the democratic way of Europe. Our President, Giorgio Napolitano, said that "anyone who gets in the way Europe runs out" in practice, if you do not agree with me, go to hell.

This is democracy on in Italy and Europe are based.

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Io non mi sento italiano...

... but fortunately or unfortunately I am. So sang Giorgio Gaber.

Today starts the European championship in Italy. And I, as a mere fan, I will follow closely matches the national team hoping for a victory. I'll do it with ease and without much participation, because I do not feel Italian (although in fact they are). I'm not Italian, because I do not like Italy and want to belong. I was born here on this earth by chance. It does not excite me very words such as country, nation, the Italian people. Under the tricolor flag peoples are united with each other too different to tradition, culture, structure socioeconomic, political history. Neapolitans and Veronesi (as such, taken as a generality) can never be members of the same nation. The Italian workers is much more "big brother" of the worker rather than German Italian entrepreneur. Nations, and worse states (from which the nations), are nothing more than the markets that have the rule data, erasing the cultural identity of a particular town or village or city.

on what united Italy? Are united on what the Italians? Just look at the racism of the North against the South, the homes rented for 50 years at all (except the south), and finally the deafness of the rest of Italy against the refuse emergency in Campania. And I? Should I feel Italian? Tonight I stand up and sing the national anthem, which speaks of unity and brotherhood of which no trace now?

The league is allowed to say that if we give fiscal federalism, they are ready to take up arms for independence! Our President does, he says? Nothing. And I'm supposed to be part of those same people there? Napolitano, but do me the pleasure ...

Come on guys, win the European. But if you do not win, I will sleep very well anyway.

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Nè martire, nè eroe: Uomo.

to me the police are not nice. Just as policemen, financiers and company singer. They are defenders of the status quo, people who defend what I will destroy. Servants of a state that does not deserve anything. Pawns in a game too much bigger than themselves. Be enhanced by the "sense of duty" and "loyalty to the institutions", the same institutions that curb the citizens making them subjects.

to me the police are not nice, although I know that they are people like everyone else, with their weaknesses and their strengths. Are employed. They must be recognized, anyway, the honors of war. Held yesterday, Pagani, Marco's funeral Pittoni (32 years), lieutenant of police. He stood in line at the post office when three unfortunates have started a robbery. The lieutenant is intervened and succeeded in foiling the robbery, but was shot in the throat by a bullet exploded from the robbers. After a few hours of agony, has died. For all

, Pittoni Marco is a hero. Spoke with contempt of danger, paying with their lives.

For others, the more rhetorical, is dead policeman, intervening to prevent a robbery.

For some, the most cowardly, Pittoni had to be done about his business, and turn away.

In my opinion, Mark Pittoni not a hero nor a martyr, nor a fanatic. It 's just - a rare commodity these days - a person who has not looked down. It has not turned away.

Marco Pittoni, uno che non si è girato dall'altra parte.

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Morti "straordinarie".

di MISAKO HIDA*

Repubblica ha pubblicato l'articolo che ha vinto il premio giornalistico "Media for Labour Rights", indetto dall'ILO, l'agenzia dell'Onu per i diritti del Lavoro. "Tutto il tempo che ho passato è stato sprecato". In una giornata di marzo del 1999, ancora prima che i germogli di ciliegio cominciassero a sbocciare, un ragazzo di 23 anni, Yuji Uendan, in preda a una forte depressione causata dall'eccesso di lavoro, si è tolto la vita. È stato trovato nel suo appartamento di Kumagaya, alla periferia di Tokyo, con quelle parole scribacchiate su una lavagnetta white used for the list of daily appointments. Uendan had worked for nearly 16 months as an inspector of equipment for semiconductor production, in a room with a soft light yellow tank in the factory Nikon Kumagaya, dressed from head to toe with a sterile white uniform. He had been hired by the contractor Nextar (currently Atest) for assignments that sent him out to Nikon, a major Japanese manufacturers of cameras and optical devices. Uendan was day and night shifts of 11 hours a rotating basis, with overtime and extra trips that did reach the 250 hours per month. In his last stint at the factory had reached 15 hours straight without a day off. Soffriva di mal di stomaco, insonnia, intorpidimento delle estremità. In poco tempo era dimagrito di 13 chili. "Aveva la faccia molto tirata" racconta la madre, Noriko Uendan, 59 anni, che ha cominciato a soffrire di angina dalla morte del figlio e ora porta sempre con sé pillole di nitroglicerina. "Mi fa soffrire pensare a quanti giorni è rimasto lì, da solo, prima che lo trovassero".


Nel marzo del 2005, il tribunale distrettuale di Tokyo ha dichiarato che sia la Nextar sia la Nikon erano da ritenersi responsabili per la morte di Uendan e ha ordinato a entrambe le aziende il risarcimento dei danni. "È stata una vittoria senza precedenti per i lavoratori temporanei", ha detto Uendan's lawyer, Hiroshi Kawaha, who is also Secretary General of the Council of National Defense for the victims of "Karoshi". The Japanese expression that means "death from overwork" has now been adopted by the English language, please visit the Oxford dictionary. "It was the first case in which not only the company that supplied temporary staff, but also those who receive, were convicted of negligence," he added Kawaha. But the cause is not finished. Both companies have appealed, but the victim's mother does not intend to give up. The legal battle continues, therefore, the appeal court in Tokyo, where at the end of January was held on the twelfth hearing. "Negli ultimi anni, sempre più lavoratori temporanei sono stati costretti a lavorare tanto quanto i dipendenti a tempo pieno ed è molto comune che le società appaltatrici forniscano illegalmente ai propri clienti dipendenti di fatto come se fossero interinali o temporanei", dice Koji Morioka, professore di economia e autore di The Age of Overwork, L'era del lavoro eccessivo. "Visto lo status quo, il caso di Uendan ha un'importanza particolare perché si è trattato in assoluto della prima richiesta di indennizzo per il suicidio di un lavoratore temporaneo a causa di straordinari ed eccesso di lavoro." La questione del "karojisatsu", letteralmente "suicidio dovuto all'eccesso di lavoro" è un problema serio in Giappone. Il numero of suicides has increased dramatically, exceeding 30 000 cases since 1998, when the unemployment rate reached a record since the war. According to the latest figures from the World Health Organization, the number of suicides in Japan is almost double that of the United States. The latest study by the Japanese National Police Agency show that in 2006 they killed themselves, all over the country, 32,155 people. Kawaha estimated that more than five thousand suicides each year are the result of depression caused by overwork. According to the latest estimates by the International Labour Office, ILO, Japan holds the record of employees in excess of 50 hours per week (28.1 percent), while in maggior parte dei paesi dell'Unione Europea, la cifra non va oltre il 10 percento (in Italia siamo al 4,2 per cento). "L'era del lavoro eccessivo" riporta che la quota di ferie retribuite da parte dei dipendenti giapponesi è scesa al 47 percento nel 2004 dal 61 per cento del 1980. "I troppi straordinari quasi impediscono ai lavoratori di godere di ferie retribuite e questo costituisce un problema" sostiene Kosuke Hori, a capo dell'Associazione giapponese degli avvocati del lavoro. Il Giappone non ha ratificato alcuna Convenzione dell'ILO sull'orario lavorativo, comprese la Convenzione 132 relativa alle ferie retribuite e la Convenzione 1 sulle ore di lavoro. La legge nazionale non mette un tetto al lavoro straordinario per certe professioni e in certe condizioni. "Quando si tratta di ore lavorative - Marioka scrive nel suo libro - in Giappone non c'è alcun riferimento agli standard internazionali". "Ho giurato su mio figlio mentre era in coma che non mi sarei mai arresa - ha detto la madre di Yuji Uendan - e spero davvero che in futuro le aziende giapponesi lascino avere vite dignitose ai propri dipendenti, tanto da arrivare a morire di vecchiaia".

*Misako Hida è una giornalista freelance giapponese che scrive da New York per le riviste The Economist, Sunday Mainichi, Toyo Business e Newsweek Japan. Con l'articolo "The Land of Karoshi" ha vinto il premio giornalistico "Media for Labour Rights set up by the ILO International Training Centre, based in Turin. The ILO is the UN agency for labor rights and the prize, in its first edition, is related to the training project for journalists and the media aimed at raising awareness of international labor standards. In these days takes place in the 97 th Geneva International Labour Conference, an annual event in which the ILO brings together representatives of ministries of welfare, trade unions and companies around the world to discuss global trends in employment and decent work (Decent Work).

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Der Stirner

What The following is a piece of the Wikipedia page dedicated to one of the most original thinkers and rebels (not revolutionary, it should be noted) of the story: Max Stirner, whose work "The Ego and Its Own" still fascinates me. In particular, this passage speaks of the political conception of Stirner, individualism and freedom. What do you think of these ideas?

Stirner puts the individual at the center of the world as it already has in itself its absolute: even freedom must be absolute in and of itself, if not, would not be freedom, we should not try to limit it. Needless to say, però, che un siffatto modello di libertà non è praticabile perché la libertà di un individuo non può coincidere con quella di un altro individuo. Sta, comunque, di fatto che la libertà può essere esclusivamente assoluta.
Il problema risiede nel trovare un compromesso tra libertà assoluta (impraticabile) e libertà determinata (che non è autentica libertà). Stirner sceglie la libertà individuale: “si può perdere la libertà, ma la libertà spetta solo a noi”, è una scelta momentanea che si presenta all’individuo in ogni momento della sua vita. L’individuo deve avere la proprietà della libertà, non basta dirsi liberi, io devo poter fare o not do what I desire, no interest in Stirner realize the ideal of freedom, that it points to is to have freedom, became a free man if he can bring freedom to their will (not just the ideal).
Freedom must free the authentic and unique as the individual, freedom so mail is theoretically infinite and without boundaries, individual, and I only I can put it to the limits. Freedom thus understood is expressed outside of any coding, you can be, have, etc.. To take advantage of my freedom I can use every means, even the hypocrisy and deceit. From the point of view of political institutions, there can be no relationship between institutions and individual liberty, the right, just because of it, arises out of my individuality (because it was developed with tools that are outside, in fact, from my individuality ).
rights were granted to me and not the act of my freedom: it is enough to consider something that restrains the freedom I'm not that be my own rights are something that others grant me, it matters little whether this concession is made by few, one or many. They are cut, so the bridges with a political conception ultrademocratica: it is always something of a collective interest in Stirner invece l’individualità.
Una parte importante dell'"Unico e le sue proprieta'" dimostra come non esiste una vera e assoluta "libera concorrenza" in presenza di uno Stato. La libera concorrenza significa "egalité" davanti allo stato; e l'uguaglianza di fronte al "fantasma" di uno Stato dissolve quella che è la concezione stirneriana dell'Unico come differenza assoluta, e non differenza "da". Si concorre sempre e solo con la grazia dello Stato. Lo Stato, in altre parole, concede diritti (tra i quali quello di potere essere in concorrenza) solo per formarsi dei "servi".
Stirner cerca di differenziare più volte la rivoluzione con la rivolta; la rivoluzione è del popolo, mentre la rivolta è del single. This devaluation of the concept of revolution is somehow also designed by Klossowski, the French philosopher. Stirner's The Ego is not just another ghost of Western metaphysics: there is no human essence, a model in which the individual man, the One must adapt or with which it is facing. The only one self-founded.
do not have to fight, according to Stirner, for the "right" to freedom '(print, speech etc. etc...) On this point also agrees Baudrillard in "Symbolic Exchange and Death": Baudrillard points to the deceptive character of those who fight for the right to security. Security per se 'no one cares. And this because 'safety is the extension of industrial death.